How Rabat Has Mastered Multilateral Diplomacy in a Fractured World

In February 1986, the BBC’s masterpiece of political satire, Yes, Prime Minister, aired an episode that deftly skewered the cynicism of diplomacy. In one of the show’s most memorable exchanges, the Machiavellian civil servant Sir Humphrey Appleby responds to the Prime Minister’s idealistic call to promote international goodwill with characteristic dryness: “Well, it would be most unusual. The United Nations is the accepted forum for the expression of international hatred.”

Decades later, Sir Humphrey’s sardonic observation feels less like satire and more like prophecy. Recent years have ushered in an era challenged by global fragmentation and ideological extremism, in which the art of diplomacy often appears to have surrendered to the theater of conflict. Amid this turbulence, Morocco stands apart. Rooted in monarchical continuity, moderation, and strategic adaptability, the Kingdom has cultivated a tradition of diplomacy that is neither reactionary nor naïve—a model of what its Ambassador in London, Hakim Hajoui, aptly terms “pragmatic diplomacy.”

From its early advocacy for mediation during the Cold War to its revolutionary engagement in the Abraham Accords, Morocco’s foreign policy has embodied what might be called “sovereignty through dialogue.” It is a diplomacy grounded in realism rather than ideological commitment–one that seeks cooperation without subservience, peace without illusion, and influence without aggression. This positioning has granted Rabat a credibility few middle powers can claim, allowing it to navigate crises without forfeiting its foundational principles.

The Early Years

Morocco was admitted to the United Nations on November 12, 1956, during the 574th plenary meeting of the Eleventh Session of the General Assembly, following its independence from French Protectorate administration in March of that year. Its admission followed the advice of a July 26, 1956 letter addressed to the President of the General Assembly by Joseph Nissot, then President of the UN Security Council, which enthusiastically recommended Morocco’s entry into the Organization.

In a compelling demonstration of international consensus, the UN Security Council had earlier that month unanimously adopted Resolution 115, endorsing Morocco’s accession to the United Nations. Eleven member states voted in favor, marking a rare moment of unified geopolitical consensus in the United Nations voting records. This broad support was secured largely through the efforts of the United States, the United Kingdom, and France.

The Security Council’s deliberation on July 20, 1956, which produced this recommendation, was most notably driven by a sponsorship letter submitted by Louis de Guiringaud, the French representative to the United Nations. De Guiringaud declared that there could be “no doubt that Morocco is peace-loving,” and drew attention to King Mohammed V's commitment to “transform Morocco into a constitutional monarchy based on democratic institutions.” He described the newly independent kingdom as destined to be “a living proof that mutual tolerance and understanding can and must triumph over all prejudice.”

The United Kingdom and the United States likewise expressed full accord with the French representative. After a lengthy reiteration of De Guiringaud’s enthusiastic rhetoric, Sir Moore Crosthwaite, the British delegate, noted that “relations between my country and Morocco are already very good, and I am sure that they will remain so.” The past seventy years of UK-Morocco relations have borne out the realization of Sir Crosthwaite’s remarks.

James J. Wadsworth, the U.S. representative, voiced his strong support, declaring his wish to “affirm the full stature of the African called ‘farthest West’”—a phrase that subtly echoed the bloc-building rhetoric of early Cold War diplomacy, which would come to define U.S. foreign policy in the decades that followed. Morocco—the nation that, under Sultan Mohammed III in December 1777, became the first country to recognize American independence, and that in 1821 gifted the Tangier Legation, the first American diplomatic property in history—would later find in the United States one of its staunchest allies in its pursuit of recognition at the United Nations.

Such sentiments were echoed by numerous representatives from other Member States. Dr. Djalal Abdoh, the representative of Pahlavi Iran, hailed Morocco’s national independence as a victory not only for the Moroccan people but also for “the continent of Africa,” whose voice, he observed, had hitherto lacked “sufficient force in the United Nations.” His statement captured the broader mood within the Security Council that Morocco’s admission was more than a procedural act of recognition. More significantly, it was a symbolic affirmation of Africa’s emerging role in global diplomacy.

Set against the backdrop of early postcolonial diplomacy, the vote offered a revealing case study of how newly independent nations sought to consolidate international legitimacy, a pattern that would shift dramatically in the Algerian context. Backed by virtually all major powers, Morocco demonstrated strategic alignment even before formally joining the United Nations. Its diplomacy in this period reflected a clear commitment to dialogue, stability, and democratic governance. It is clear that the UN saw in Morocco a moderate, reliable, and interfaith-minded state. The nature of Morocco’s accession illustrated how soft power and regional credibility can translate into international legitimacy, laying the groundwork for its long-term role as a constructive multilateral partner.

Of course, none of this could have been achieved without the determination of the Moroccan nationalist intelligentsia—journalists, writers, and political thinkers who mobilized the public at the height of anticolonial sentiment. Among the most influential figures of this period was Mehdi Bennouna, the writer and nationalist intellectual who would later serve as Morocco’s first delegate to the United Nations. As early as June 1947, Bennouna undertook a political mission to New York, where he campaigned for Moroccan independence within United Nations circles and among local civic groups. One of his lectures, delivered at a Unitarian church, resonated so strongly that it prompted a wave of letters to the U.S. State Department, urging American officials to protest the continuation of French colonial policies in Morocco.

On the local level, King Mohammed V embodied the unity and identity of the Moroccan nation, fostering a peaceful transition toward independence through the leadership of a bold and unified national movement.  Yet with French colonial authority in neighboring Algeria still entrenched in its refusal to recognize nationalist movements in a territory that—unlike Morocco and Tunisia—had been fully departmentalized by the French state, the outbreak of violence and bloodshed across the region caused widespread alarm.

On September 30, 1957, Ahmed Balafrej, Morocco’s Foreign Minister, delivered a firm articulation of King Mohammed V’s position before the United Nations: that the Algerian inter-conflict was both a personal and national source of anguish, and that its resolution required a steadfast commitment to nonviolence. By then, Morocco had become both a sanctuary for Algerian refugees fleeing the war and a discreet venue for back-channel negotiations between French emissaries and the nationalist leadership of the FLN. Balafrej also used the occasion to condemn the persistence of neocolonial interference in Morocco’s own economic affairs, by “tying all assistance to conditions which were frequently incompatible with respect for a free and sovereign nation.”

Global Crisis Navigation and Diplomatic Continuity

In response to these concerns—and amid the ideological divisions within the Arab League driven by Nasserist exceptionalism—Prime Minister Mbarek Bekkay’s government began steering Moroccan diplomacy away from pan-Arabist currents, leaning towards a distinctly Maghrebian and more broadly Africanist regional policy. While largely persistent, this orientation was subject to a number of key external challenges under King Hassan II, who ascended the throne in February 1961 and would reign for nearly four decades.

During his reign, King Hassan II proved a deft crisis manager in a region defined by shifting alliances and ideological dynamics. Always keen to keep his wide array of partners and opponents off balance, the shrewd monarch firmly upheld Morocco’s territorial integrity as his principal policy priority. He positioned the Kingdom as both a stabilizing ally of the West and a credible mediator within North Africa and the broader Arab-African sphere. Diplomatic relations with the Kingdom’s major ally, the United States of America, flourished under his reign, while his policy toward a broader peace with Israel gained increasing traction among proponents of regional stability. His interviews in Arabic with Israeli television channels marked a new dawn of peace in the region.

The King’s early years were however, marked by growing rivalry with Algeria, whose socialist orientation posed direct challenges to regional stability. Tensions erupted in the 1963 War of the Sands, a border conflict born of ill-defined colonial frontiers. Morocco aligned more closely with Washington, Paris, and Madrid, which saw in the Kingdom a conservative bulwark against Soviet-aligned expansion. The conflict would ultimately fuel an enduring and largely artificial dispute over the Western Sahara, that would persist for five decades despite  successful efforts of the Moroccan Liberation Army, and, later, the hundreds of thousands of Moroccans who peacefully recovered the territory from Spanish control during the historic Green March.

In later decades, King Hassan II demonstrated similar pragmatism in Africa and the Arab world, sending Moroccan troops to Zaire during the Shaba crises of 1977–78 to quash Cuban-backed insurgent militias. The intervention not only temporarily stabilized Mobutu Sese Seko’s Zairean regime, but also helped sway the Carter administration toward approving American arms sales to Morocco—a notable example of strategic diplomacy. In 1984, the Moroccan monarch shocked observers by forging a brief union with Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi, a move designed less out of personal affinity than to recalibrate the balance of power in North Africa.

Hassan II also fostered a close rapprochement with Israel, rejecting Arab League orthodoxy while positioning Morocco as a discreet intermediary in the peace process. He maintained Morocco’s security and intelligence cooperation, as well as periodic contacts with Israeli officials, believing that dialogue was the path to regional stability. This engagement deepened in the 1980s, when the Moroccan monarch hosted Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres in Ifrane and later encouraged renewed Arab engagement with Israel. King Hassan II’s wise diplomacy helped normalize indirect communication between Jerusalem and Arab capitals, laying the groundwork for future diplomatic breakthroughs.

Foreign Interference and Strategic Resilience

Morocco’s security apparatus has been tested by a complex array of foreign interference efforts—from Iran and its proxies to Algerian opposition and digital ideological incursions. Even years before the 2026 waves of international condemnation of Tehran's regime in support of the Iranian people, Hassan II had emerged as an early pioneer on the question. Morocco has adopted a calibrated model of modern diplomacy, blending pre-emptive deterrence, digital public engagement, and science diplomacy through its expanding cybersecurity and technological initiatives. Morocco was the only country in the region not to support the joint Arab statement in solidarity with Iran during the 2025 Operations Midnight Hammer and Rising Lion.

It is no secret that Iran’s expanding footprint in North Africa has raised concerns in Rabat, as well as in Europe and the United States. Iran's proxy activity has served as a catalyst for Morocco’s strategic realignment and diplomatic consolidation. In recent years, evidence has emerged that the Polisario Front—a Marxist-Leninist separatist militia fighting for a self-styled “independence”, from within Algerian territory, in what is commonly referred to as the Oriental Sahara, and long accused of grave human rights abuses—has been armed and supported by Iran. The alarm in Rabat was unmistakable: the Iran–Polisario nexus, facilitated through Hezbollah-linked networks and backed by Algerian support, represented a direct challenge to Morocco’s sovereignty and national security. 

Since 2018, multiple reports—beginning with Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita’s interview with Jeune Afrique—have revealed that Iran, through Hezbollah, has trained Polisario fighters in North Africa and the Sahel, and later in Syria, to bolster the former Assad regime. These operations are part of Tehran’s broader campaign to undermine regional stability and security. The Polisario’s entanglement with militias tied to anti-Israel and antisemitic networks across the Middle East reflects Iran’s asymmetric influence strategy: the use of ideological and mercenary proxies to weaken Western-aligned, moderate states and erode values-based partnerships in the region.

Iran’s interference in the region is driven not only by antisemitic motives but also by a deliberate campaign to undermine Sunni-majority societies. Unlike Azerbaijan—a Shiite-majority state that has consistently demonstrated respect for Jewish, Muslim, and Christian communities—the extremist branch of political Shi‘ism espoused by Iran’s Velayat-e-Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) is a politicized and coercive ideology. This system of religious instrumentalization has produced a pattern of state-sponsored extremism and repression, exemplified by the killing of Mahsa Amini by Iran’s morality police in 2022, a symbol of the regime’s contempt for fundamental human rights.

Morocco’s 2018 decision to sever diplomatic ties with Iran also deepened its intelligence cooperation with Gulf allies, particularly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which share concerns about Iranian expansionism. Far from diminishing Morocco’s security profile, Tehran’s interference reinforced the Kingdom’s reputation as a credible Western partner in counterterrorism and regional security. Morocco has since hosted the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS Ministerial meeting in Marrakech, co-chaired the Coalition’s Africa Focus Group, launched the Marrakech Platform alongside the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT) to promote intelligence-sharing across Africa, and co-

chaired the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF) multiple times—demonstrating strategic continuity in its security posture.

Thus, the rupture with Iran was not a mere reaction, but a principled act reflecting zero tolerance for foreign interference. At a broader level, Morocco’s actions reflected both an assertion of sovereignty and a projection of regional leadership. The same kingdom that would later sever relations with Iran on three occasions—1981, 2009, and 2018—had, in 1979, offered asylum to the exiled Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whose legacy and symbolism resurfaced through his son, decades later amid the Israeli “Rising Lion” and U.S.-led “Midnight Hammer” operations conducted this year. During the Pahlavi era, Moroccan-Iranian relations were notably cordial, exemplified by the Shah’s personal diplomatic support for Morocco at the United Nations and by the two monarchies shared commitment to moderation and Western alignment within the broader Middle Eastern order.

Strategically, Morocco’s governance model—rooted in promoting of Maliki Sunni Islam across Africa—has positioned the Kingdom as a bulwark against Iranian expansionism on the continent. Through institutions such as the Mohammed VI Institute for the Training of Imams, Morchidines, and Morchidates, Morocco advances a vision of moderation and spiritual diplomacy. It has also drawn a firm red line against Iranian antisemitic propaganda, which continues to resurface alarmingly, even in allied countries, including the United Kingdom. Morocco remains a center of Jewish scholarship and mysticism—its city of Fez, home to al-Qarawiyyin University, the world’s oldest, nurtured Moses Maimonides and his disciples, who bridged Islamic philosophy and Jewish mysticism. The 2011 Moroccan Constitution, in its Preamble, enshrines nine tributaries of national identity, exemplifying a unique model of interfaith coexistence between Islam and Judaism.

Unimpactful challenges

Algeria’s rivalry-based diplomacy— primarily targeting Morocco and, by extension, Israel—has been accompanied by Algiers’ political and financial support for the Polisario Front and a fierce opposition to Morocco’s resumption of diplomatic ties with Israel. Yet Morocco has expanded its global footprint rather than retreating into the regional isolation Algeria seeks, on both bilateral and multilateral fronts, including efforts to revive a parallel, informal Arab Maghreb Union.

Instead, Morocco has pursued strategic defense partnerships with the United States, Israel, and European states. At the same time, the Kingdom has consistently kept its hand extended to Algeria, whose struggle for sovereignty Morocco supported even before 1961. Anchored in its African leadership and co-development ethos, Morocco rejects a logic of rivalry. As King Mohammed VI affirmed in his royal addresses, delivered in October 2025 following the historic UN Security Council resolution endorsing Morocco’s autonomy plan for the Sahara, the Kingdom aspires to be an emerging nation of partnership and progress, not confrontation.

Further, Morocco has been recognized as a continental leader on migration policy within the African Union, and on peace and security through its active role in the AU Peace and Security Council. It remains the only African nation with a free trade agreement with the United States (since 2006) and, since 2020, the first African signatory of the Abraham Accords. The U.S. Department of State’s 2018 Counterterrorism Report identified Morocco as a net exporter of security and a “major non-NATO ally,” while UN Secretary-General António Guterres has hailed it as a champion of interfaith dialogue.

Morocco’s recent acquisitions of advanced drones and air-defense systems reflect an anticipatory self-defense doctrine, primarily aimed at safeguarding national security and supporting regional stability. These investments demonstrate a proactive deterrence strategy and underline Morocco’s capacity to participate in peacekeeping and counterterrorism operations. Its joint military exercises with NATO partners and procurement of cutting-edge defense technology further underscore its commitment to preserving regional balance through preparedness rather than provocation. In the enduring words of the Roman military writer Vegetius: Qui desiderat pacem, praeparet bellum (“Let he who desires peace, be prepared for war”).

In this context, Algerian antagonism has paradoxically strengthened Morocco’s global relevance and resilience, generating broader international support for its sovereignty. The Rabat–Algiers rivalry remains one of North Africa’s most enduring geopolitical divides, rooted in competition over Atlantic access and inflamed by antisemitic undercurrents that deepened after Algeria severed diplomatic ties in 2021, following Morocco’s renewed relations with Israel. Algeria’s Cold War–era alignment and rejection of the Abraham Accords stand in stark contrast to Morocco’s Western partnerships—particularly with the United States—and its expanding ties with Israel, as well as its modern engagement with Russia and China. Morocco’s strategic response has been one of measured diversification and pragmatism.

Towards a Pan-Abrahamic Future

As mentioned earlier, Morocco and Israel have maintained relations—both formal and informal—since the founding of the modern State of Israel and even earlier. Describing their ties as “normalization” is therefore somewhat misleading; the relationship has been longstanding and uninterrupted, with the 2020 Tripartite Agreement serving not as an initiation, but as a renewal and formalization of a historic partnership. The Abraham Accords framework, led by the Trump Administration, provided new diplomatic impetus, granting official recognition to cooperation that had long existed in practice. By joining the Accords, the Kingdom has reaffirmed its historic role as a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, between Muslim and Jewish civilizations, and between transatlantic partners.

The Abraham Accords, launched under the first Trump Administration, ushered in a new era of peace and cooperation across the Middle East and beyond. Yet the trajectories of Morocco and those of the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain differ in important ways. Unlike the Gulf states, Morocco has long maintained friendly—if often discreet—relations with Israel, rooted in centuries of shared history, family ties, and cultural affinity, with its ancient Jewish community serving as a vital bridge between the two nations.

In fact, as Moroccan academic Aomar Boum has compellingly observed, the distinctively Moroccan Sephardic branch of Jewish mysticism—known as Kabbalah—played an understated yet influential role in shaping the Trump administration’s diplomatic breakthroughs. Prominent Moroccan mystics from the Pinto family, particularly Rabbi Yoshiyahu Pinto, cultivated close ties with the Kushner family after Donald Trump’s election, and these connections proved instrumental in mediating between American, Israeli, and Moroccan interests during negotiations that culminated in the historic trilateral agreement. These human-centered connections today form the core of Moroccan-Israeli cooperation, as reflected in Morocco’s active participation in the Negev Forum and its emphasis on cultural and interfaith diplomacy.

While the UAE and Bahrain’s engagement has focused on spectacular growth in trade and investment, Morocco has prioritized security and defense collaboration, becoming the first country in the region to sign a defense agreement with Israel. Yet, Morocco has also recognized the symbolic weight such progress carries for Israel, a country so often misunderstood and hated by its tireless critics. At the 2021 Abraham Accords Ministerial meeting on “Normalization Agreements in Action,” Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita underscored that Morocco’s participation in Abrahamic diplomacy contributed to “a new regional order where Israel is a stakeholder and no longer an outsider in its own region.”

The United States’ political recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara marked a historic milestone in the bilateral relationship. Building on this, designating the Polisario Front as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO)—as recently proposed by Representative Joe Wilson’s in Congress—would further align international diplomacy with the sovereignty-based vision underpinning the Abraham Accords. Such a step would enable participating states to advance the Pan-Abrahamic partnership with greater confidence and coherence, particularly ahead of the next Negev Forum, where fellow members have already rejected separatist and non-state militias.

Formal recognition of the Iranian proxy nexus linking the Polisario, Hamas, and Hezbollah would also provide moral clarity and strengthen trust and cooperation between Morocco and its allies. A future transition, from liaison offices to full embassies, would symbolize a new chapter in Moroccan-Israeli relations and attest to the success of the Abraham Accords in fostering durable peace. Both Israel and the United States already recognize the Moroccan Sahara, with Israel announcing its intent to consider opening a consulate in Morocco’s Southern Provinces following the formal inauguration of its embassy.

As President Trump noted on December 10, 2020, “Morocco recognized the United States in 1777. It is thus fitting we recognize their sovereignty over the Sahara.” That same day, the White House issued a proclamation describing the Moroccan Autonomy Plan for the Western Sahara as “the only feasible solution” to the conflict. This sovereignty-symmetrical recognition was a bilateral affirmation, not a transactional exchange with Israel—despite the adverse claims of Morocco’s adversaries, which ultimately failed to gain traction.

Contrary to the expectations of anti-normalization movements that anticipated a rupture in Israeli–Moroccan relations, Israel’s military offensives against Hamas and other jihadist militias in Gaza, ignited by the atrocious terrorist attacks of October 7th, have in fact drawn Morocco and Israel closer together. Morocco’s deepening economic and security partnership with Israel reflects a strategic pivot toward innovation and resilience, exemplified by defense agreements with Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) that have enhanced the Kingdom’s surveillance and air-defense capabilities. This collaboration extends well beyond the military sphere: Israeli expertise in water management and desalination is helping Morocco confront chronic drought, while joint ventures in cybersecurity and agritech are accelerating the country’s digital transformation. Morocco has once again positioned itself as a pioneer in military cooperation, signing a strategic agreement with the IDF on the occasion of the Fifth Anniversary of the Abraham

Accords, moving from a “normalization’’ framework to a strategic- based alignment. Morocco has already been the first country in the region to sign an Abraham Accords -inspired defense agreement following the establishment of the liaison offices, bolstering the longstanding bilateral cooperation.

Meanwhile, booming Israeli tourism—fueled by direct flights and cultural affinity—strengthens people-to-people ties and supports Morocco’s economic diversification. This has further encouraged thousands of Israelis to reconnect with their Moroccan Jewish heritage. Among the main influencers of this trend is Yona Alfasi, a Moroccan-born anthropologist from Fez who immigrated to Israel a decade ago and has since dedicated himself to preserving Moroccan culture in Israel. During the COVID-19 pandemic, his online Moroccan Arabic courses drew hundreds of students of all ages—from elders seeking to revive their linguistic fluency to younger generations eager to reclaim an identity they had never fully known. Such initiatives position Morocco as a forward-looking regional hub for stability, innovation, and cross-cultural exchange.

The resurgence of diplomatic momentum favoring the Abraham Accords, as shown by the recent incorporation of Kazakhstan into its framework, is in no small part the result of President Trump’s efforts. His crucial role in brokering the Gaza ceasefire, securing the release of all living Israeli hostages from Hamas captivity, and outlining a roadmap for peace has reshaped the regional narrative. It is increasingly clear that in the Middle East, Trumpian foreign policy has cultivated an environment in which international relations can be both strategic and deeply personal. The Abraham Accords themselves stand as a landmark achievement in modern diplomacy, designed to foster cooperation among key regional powers and deliver tangible benefits to their peoples. While some traditionally influential countries have shown reluctance to join the Accords, new actors have begun to break the evil axis of anti-Semitism. Somaliland has emerged as a promising model, signaling that if established actors do not move forward in support of international peace and security, new actors- including minority and non-state actors in other parts of the world- will step in tp “peace”, a verb powerfully introduced by Secretary Rubio in a recent interview.

Morocco’s diplomatic strength lies in its ability to maintain credibility and trust on the global stage. The Kingdom has never recognized Hamas, a pro-Polisario terrorist group, nor engaged with extremist movements increasingly rejected even by Palestinians. Instead, Rabat has consistently welcomed visits from the Palestinian Authority. Morocco also became the only country to deliver humanitarian aid directly into Gaza in early August 2025, a move made possible through enhanced coordination with Israel. As the chairman of the Al-Quds Committee, King Mohammed VI’s leadership within the Abraham Accords framework has earned international recognition. His measured diplomacy was evident during the recent Gaza conflict, when Morocco welcomed the Trump-brokered peace deal as a vital step toward broader regional stability.

Despite the much harsher criticism directed at the UAE and Bahrain by the Palestinian Authority under Mahmoud Abbas following their signing of the Abraham Accords, the Authority has adopted a more measured and largely cautious stance toward Morocco’s renewal of relations with Israel. Since the outbreak of the Israel–Hamas war, Morocco has kept its liaison office in Tel Aviv operational, mirroring the UAE’s approach, and has permitted public demonstrations opposing bilateral ties, provided such activity is carried out in a nonviolent manner. However, hostile acts targeting Morocco’s allies have not been tolerated; Rabat took a firm stance against attempts to obstruct Moroccan-Israeli Minister Miri Regev’s visit to the Halieutis Forum in mid-February 2025.

Looking ahead, Morocco is poised to serve as the modern Abrahamic interlocutor between the West and the Muslim world, the Global North and South, and Muslim nations and the Jewish State. Under Mohammed VI’s vision, Israel’s integration into global coalitions should be encouraged rather than systematically excluded through international fora such as the UN General Assembly. Upgrading the current liaison offices to full embassies remains a strong possibility, particularly in November—the “Golden Month” of the Abraham Accords, which marks both the lead-up to the Morocco–Israel agreement and the 50th anniversary of the Green March, a sacred moment for Moroccans symbolizing sovereignty, unity, and renewal. Another dimension of a renewed cooperation, both at the bilateral level with Israel and the trilateral level together with the United States, is the Trump Peace Plan. By accepting to join the Board of Peace, Morocco has entered a new platform that complements the Diplomatic Negev Forum by introducing a stronger security dimension. Morocco, which hosts the UNOCT Bureau in Rabat, a UN agency designed for counterterrorism efforts and training, is well positioned to help advance a new counterterrorism doctrine in coordination with Israel and the United States. Building on innovative models such as the Marrakech African Platform could help shape a more regionally focused GCTF framework, oriented exclusively towards the Abraham Accords security and CVE related-aspects.

Enduring Lessons in Peacebuilding

On July 24, 1986, in a televised address to the Moroccan people following the international outcry over his meeting with Shimon Peres amid the South Lebanon conflict, King Hassan II affirmed that honest dialogue is a mark of strength, insisting that meaningful diplomacy begins with understanding how even one’s on-paper adversaries see the world: “We have learned that it is necessary sometimes to sit at the negotiating table rather than demonstrate in the streets.” Many today would do well to heed such advice.

In a striking disclosure, the King revealed that at the 1965 Arab League summit in Casablanca, he had openly proposed recognizing Israel and integrating it into the Arab League, believing that only through inclusion could the region’s disputes be resolved without resorting to costly and senseless wars. Such a proposal—made two years before the once-unthinkable Israeli victories of the Six-Day War in June 1967, which saw the reclamation of territories previously held by Jordan, the reunification of Jerusalem, the capture of the Sinai Peninsula, and the seizure of the Golan Heights from Syria—naturally provoked bewilderment and fierce opposition. One can only wonder how different the region’s trajectory might have been had King Hassan’s contemporaries heeded his counsel.

Yet the arrival of the Abraham Accords, and Morocco’s pivotal role in them—balancing deep reverence for the Jewish ancestral bond to Israel with measured regard for Palestinians—has vindicated the wisdom of Hassan II’s words from decades earlier.

Israel, Morocco, and the United States today are bound by something far more substantial than mere convenience or a common enmity toward the Islamic Republic of Iran—for alliances forged on opposition alone are, by nature, temporary, brittle, and fated to collapse. Carried to its conclusion, such logic would suggest that normalization with Israel should expire the moment Tehran ceases its meddling—a plainly ridiculous notion.

Morocco has shown that the most successful long-term diplomacy is defined not by expediency, but by mutual respect, economic interdependence, and the quiet durability of trust. The road ahead will no doubt be strewn with challenges as well as opportunities, yet Morocco’s model of pragmatic diplomacy offers a rare and refreshing template for multilateral engagement in an age that so often seems to prefer conflict to connection.

About the Authors:

Chaimae Bouazzaoui is a member of MENA2050 and a fellow of the Abraham Accords Unit. She is Morocco’s first woman diplomat in Israel and an ambassador at Bar-Ilan University.

 Aurele Tobelem is a historian, policy analyst, and cultural strategist specializing in Middle Eastern geopolitics and political Islam. He is Director of Research at the Forum for Foreign Relations, a London-based counter-extremism think tank.